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Written by: GADHAFI, DICTATORS AND LESSONS OF HISTORY The capture and the shameful death of the erstwhile ‘Super Hero of Libya’ or ‘Mad Dog of the Middle East’ few days ago still evoke curious questions and somber reflections around the world. Very many are still amazed at the footages and stories of his rather very simple and ignominious capture that are pouring out in the press across the world. Many more may still in amazement that the man who seemed to be a cat with nine lives could be killed so easily. Even Hilary Clinton, the US Secretary of State, was in such unbelieving shock as the American Cable News Network (CNN) kept showing her doubt to the world hours after the Colonel was captured and killed. These overt and covert ruminations are products of the make-believe image of the Colonel he sold to the world about himself. He made almost the whole world to believe that he was invincible, omnipotent, indomitable and a super hero. His boastful mien to deal with his opponents and avowed determination to fight to the end when the entire Tripoli was subdued by NRC and the allied forces portrayed a man who had some aces up his sleeves. But the stories of his capture revealed a weak helpless drenched ordinary Gadhafi without any sign of invincibility. He had no ability to fight anymore. He is said to have been “cornered in a drain, a gold-plated pistol to hand and pleading in vain for his life.” He was mercilessly dragged and held out with a bear hug from the hole. His captors left an indelible epitaph, which will serve as a reference point in history for many years to come, above the drain under which Gadhafi was captured. It reads: “This is the place where the rat Gadhafi was hiding.” How ironical that he who nicknamed his enemies ‘rat’ finally turned out to die like a rat, dragged out of a hole and killed as he begged for life just like a typical rat in the hands of a cat. The events of the Arab Springs running almost a year now with unexpected positive results point to the fact that the political space is a very free and unpredictable zone, which no man can claim to have life-time dominance over. It is a clear indication that times have changed; that it is no longer business as usual and that the people are ready to take up their battles in their hands. Dictators and tyrants, and in deed every political office holder everywhere, need to take this precaution very seriously. History has a good documentation of despots who self-deludedly have ruled their subjects with iron-fist, squandered the wealth of the nation without qualms and with strangulating asphyxia repressed all forms of oppositions only to die like ‘rats.’ Yet the others are still looking and mopping without learning, hoping that their fate would be different. Jean-Bedel Bokassi (1921 – 1996), as a military officer became the head of state of the Central African Republic (a country he renamed Central African Empire) from a coup d’etat on January 1, 1966 and ruled till September 20, 1979. In the coup, he overthrew the former president David Dacko, his cousin from power. He made himself president, president for life and emperor. During these years of his political romance with power, he invalidated the constitution and dissolved the National Assembly. He displayed strength, fearlessness and masculinity. He suppressed all dissenters, tortured and executed all opponents in an insatiable thirst for power. He is said to have killed over one hundred school children who protested against wearing the expensive school uniform with Bokassa’s image on it. Many people of Central African Empire and in the rest of the world thought Bokassa was insane and compared his eccentric behavior and egotistical extravagance to Idi Amin Dada of Uganda. Bokassa’s tortuous era came to an abrupt and shameful end when the French troops in “Operation Barracuda” invaded the Central African Empire and restored the former president David Dacko to power while Bokassa fled in exile to Cote d’ Ivoire on September 20, 1979. He returned home to face charges including murder and treason. The onetime President for Life was sentenced to death in absentia in 1980. He was later pardoned. He died a lonely death in Bangui on November 3, 1996. Idi Amin, also known as Idi Amin Dada, who became known as the ‘Butcher of Uganda’, was born on January 1, 1925. A former Uganda’s heavyweight boxing champion and military officer who rose through the ranks to become the nation’s Chief-of-Staff under Uganda’s then President, Milton Obote, whom he later overthrew and seized power in 1971. A lover of titles and a man intoxicated by power, Amin promoted himself to the rank of Field Marshall and also declared himself President for Life and the Conqueror of the British Empire. His years at the helm of affairs in this East African country were despotic and brutal characterized by gross human rights abuse, political repression, ethnic persecution, extrajudicial killings, nepotism, corruption and gross economic mismanagement. It is estimated that the number of opponents that Amin either killed, tortured or imprisoned vary from 100, 000 to 500, 000. His attempt to annex the Kagera province of Tanzania in 1978 led to the Uganda-Tanzanian War that ultimately led to the end of this agonising rule in Uganda. He fled to exile in Libya and Saudi Arabia until his death on August 16, 2003. Samuel Kanyon Doe (1951 – 1990) of the Krahn minority ethnic group, which is part of the large majority indigenous group that was politically and economically marginalized by the minority Americo-Liberian elites. On April 12, 1980, Doe usurped power from the then President of Liberia, William R. Tolbert, Jr. in the Executive Mansion. He captured and disemboweled Tolbert on his bed and made himself the 21st President of Liberia. His early days in office was a hemorrhage of blood as he embarked on a repressive and suppressive mission killing most of the supporters of his predecessor. He suspended the constitution, shut down newspapers and media houses, banned all political activities, entrenched ethnic bigotry and polarized the indigenous groups that had hitherto co-existed peacefully. His government was also very corrupt. By mid-1980, because of his political ineptitude and lack of diplomatic sagacity, the centre had fallen apart in Liberia and the whole country became pockets of little ‘nations’ with three rulers – Prince Y. Johnson, Charles Taylor and Samuel Doe. On September 9, 1990, on his visit to the ECOMOG headquarters in Monrovia, Doe was captured, tortured, mutilated and killed in one of the most disgraceful manners of death that can only be compared to that of Mussolini (Italy, 1922 – 1943), who was captured along with his mistress by the Partisans, killed and their naked bodies hung up-side-down in front of a gas station for their subjects to laugh and mock at. In recent years Cot d’Ivoire had Laurent Gbagbo, a dictator, who would not vacate the seat of power for his opponent, Alassane Ouattara, even after he was roundly defeated through the ballot box. He remained adamant and stubborn, talked tough and caused a four-month stand-off in the country that resulted in the loss of many human lives and property. At the end, Gbagbo and wife were “pried from an underground bunker at the presidential residence in Abidjan.” Like Gadhafi, he begged for his life and he was fortunate to be spared. Whatever the court finally decides Gbagbo was disgraced and humiliated out of office. The political experiences of the above characters and the events of the Arab Springs testify to the political truism that no one person is greater or more important than a people or a nation. It was John Locke who said in his analysis of the State of Nature that “Power is latent in the people” (even in the State of Nature). What this infers is that the authority of the leader is a delegated authority which belongs to the people originally. This being the case, the people can wrist power off the leaders whenever he is perceived to serve purposes outside the dreams of the people. Therefore the leader is only as relevant as the longevity of the people’s endurance or tolerance of his strengths and weaknesses. Again, no one leader is greater than his people. In one of the CNN interview of Gadhafi at the wake of the uprising he said: “My people love me. They are ready to die for me.” What a self-delusion! Every dictator is a slave of this pathological indulgence in self-delusion. Tyrants and dictators are known for their repressive tendencies, iron-handedness and power intoxication. The rationale for this is to cow-down and intimidate every opposition to acquiescence in slavish loyalty. But even this too cannot last forever. Gadhafi fumed and stunned the Libyans for 42 years; Mubarak ruled over Egypt for 30 years but both had their days. As long as the dictator continues in his ‘no-one-matters’ attitude of aggression and repression without listening or caring about the pains of the people, the day of reckoning, when the angst of the people will overflow, is only shifted to a later date. The remaining African dictators (like Teodoro O.N. Mbasogo of Equitorial Gunea (1979 to date); Jose Eduardo dos Santos of Angola (1979 to date); Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe (1980 to date); Denis Sassou Nguesso of Republic of Congo (1979 to date); King Mswati III, who has been on the throne of Swaziland monarchy for 25 years now; and Cameroun’s Paul Biya, who, after 28 years has just ‘won’ another election that may likely see him through the next four years as the president of a very impoverished Cameroun) need to urgently re-strategise their political manifesto towards a peaceful and free succession. Wisdom should guide them to avoid being victims of Gadhafi’s and Sadam Hussien’s fate or the ignominy of Doe and Mussolini. They need to turn the pages of history and take the path of Augusto Pinochet of Chile (1973 – 1990), who voluntarily gave up power. This would be more honourable than any other form of humiliating exit. It is historical fact that there is no dictator or tyrant that leaves office peacefully to enjoy a long life of peace. They are either killed by their enemies or even by their friends and allies or forced to flee their countries like Nicole Ceausescu (Rumania, 1965 – 1989) and Jean-Claude ‘Baby-Doc’ Duvalier (Haiti, 1971 – 1986). The fortunate ones end up with long drawn court sessions at International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, like Charles Taylor. If Mugabe, Biya, Mbasogo, Nguesso, Santos and King Mswati III have any wisdom left in them and can read the handwritings on the wall, now is the time to learn. Back home the Nigerian government, knowing that the ordinary Nigerian has suffered patiently for so long, should be cautious with policies that have to do with the day-to-day livelihood of the people. The recent oil subsidy debate does not merit any manner of implementation. Nigerians have not forgotten the explanations of IBB prior to the implementation of SAP and OBJ’s economic reforms both of which appealed to Nigerians to delay gratification by suffering for a while so as to enjoy for long in the future. We are yet to enjoy that gratification instead we are here again required to once again suffer so that the politicians will continue to enjoy. Do not be deluded, The Arab Springs experience is possible, even in Nigeria.
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